For as infuriating as it has always been when an umpire
blows a call, I am not sure I like instant replay. It changes the pace of the
game and it takes away the intimacy of having the outcome of games decided on
the field of play. It seems strange to have a decision on a key play made by a
nameless, faceless person somewhere in New York (of all places) when the
umpires have always had the final say on the field.
The process behind the now-failed pension reform settlements
seems very much like instant replay gone awry. Full disclosure: I worked to
promote pension reform and believe that the result served the best interests of
all Rhode Islanders. Public employees’ pensions were preserved without further gutting
funding for infrastructure, education and social services. Taxpayers took a
hit, but the unfunded liability was cut by $3 billion, so the long-term savings
are substantial. It seemed like Rhode Island had finally done something the
right way. Months of informational sessions, dozens of hours of legislative
hearings and endless briefings brought Rhode Island to a place where the
General Assembly was able to take a tough vote and with a stroke of his pen,
Governor Chafee signed the pension reform bill into law. It felt like good
things were going to happen for Rhode Island — we led the nation in something
besides unemployment and mental illness. This time there was no backroom deal,
no secret meetings. The process had been open and transparent. Everyone played
by the rules.
Just six months later, the public employee unions filed suit
— as they had every right to — challenging the constitutionality of the statute
with the argument that the existing law implied a contract and the statute could
not be altered to change employee benefits. It was assigned to Judge Sarah
Taft-Carter, a judge whose mother and uncle are drawing pensions and who —
along with her son — will someday draw a pension too. As lawyers prepared to
bring the case to trial, it appeared as if case law was on the side of the defense
because the unions had often used legislation — instead of collective
bargaining — to increase or change benefits over the years. As the court date
drew nearer — and Judge Taft-Carter’s clear conflict of interest even landed on
the front page of the New York Times —
she abruptly changed the rules. She ordered mediation, instituted a gag order
and started running up the state’s tab on mediation services.
We went from a fair, transparent process that complied with
the Separation of Powers to a judicial tyranny where a conflicted, activist
judge let a pile of lawyers — none of whom are elected — try to rewrite a law
that only elected representatives have the legal right to change — all while
running up more than $500,000 mediation bill. The rest of the parties in the
case were left to scramble — the unions wanted to save face and didn’t want to have
case law go against them. Treasurer Raimondo wanted to preserve her signature
accomplishment without giving so little that she looked uncompromising. All of
this while being forced to work under a gag order so that Judge Taft-Carter
would never have to hear her work called into question and or fear that
mistakes made in open court would get her decision overturned. Instead of
seeing a blemish on her win-loss record, she simply decided to change the
rules.
As disturbing as it was to see a judge corrupt our
legislative process, at least the failure of the settlement puts the process
back on track. It’s unfortunate that the judicial hijacking has forced a court
date of September 15, a week after the Democratic primary for governor. Both
sides want to be done by then — and the truth is that this case should have
been heard long ago. Had it not been for the gross mismanagement by Judge
Taft-Carter and the “only in Rhode Island” scenario where the politicians are
on the side of transparency while the judicial system is contaminated with
conflict, we might have gotten it right the first time — without the instant
replay.
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