Under the category of "better late than never," I'm realizing that this didn't get posted when I wrote it. Whoops. It did run in East Bay Life on July 3rd.
I am sure that Yankees General Manager Brian Cashman is a
bit envious of Rhode Island right now. In 2010, our General Assembly made a $75
million error with 38 Studios and former Red Sox pitcher Curt Schilling. In
2007, the Yankees made an even bigger mistake by giving Alex Rodriguez a $275
million 10-year contract - and that doesn’t even include the massages and
wardrobe allowance he must require.
Of course the Yankees have a steady stream of revenue to
cover up for their mistake while the General Assembly has to ask taxpayers to
cover their debt. Up at the State House, there has been endless “will they or
won’t they” speculation when it comes to budgeting for the $2.5 million interest
payment due for the 38 Studios debacle. As of this writing the payment is in
the budget the House, but it is likely to be the source of ongoing debate in
the State House every budget cycle until the debt is paid. 38 Studios is not
going away anytime soon.
I think we can all agree that it’s a terrible use of
taxpayer dollars to pay $2.5 million and get nothing in return. I’m chalking it
up to the price we pay for being a lazy electorate and holding so few elected
officials accountable each year.
Whether you believe one state representative who said he was
tricked into voting for the $75 million increase in the loan guarantee program
or not, the truth is that only one legislator of 113 voted against
funding. Does this strike anyone else as particularly odd in a state where
everyone seems to have a hand out? Is this particularly unusual in politics
where every Member of Congress works hard to “bring home the bacon” and get pet
projects financed in his or her district? Is it strange that in a time of
serious belt tightening, 112 legislators wouldn’t be concerned about where the
$75 million would come from and where it would go? Sadly, in our hierarchical
General Assembly, it’s not unusual for “leadership” bills to fly through, so
the 38 Studios debate should be less about paying the money back (which we must
do to preserve our bond rating) and more about making sure that it never
happens again.
In my mind there are two safeguards that would prevent
another 38 Studios debacle. First, we have a part-time legislature yet they
create a more-than-full-time workload at the end of each session. On the final
night, deals are cut and amendments fly fast and furious so it becomes
physically impossible to read everything before being asked to vote. Other
legislatures have deadlines for bill submission and deadlines for action,
preventing the middle of the night free-for-all that happens on Smith Hill
every year. If the General Assembly adopted a firm calendar, not only would
legislators have no excuse for not understanding what they’re voting on, but
perhaps we’d cut down on some of the just-plain-dumb bills preventing dogs
riding from in the front seat and enshrining calamari as the official state
appetizer.
The second solution is in the hands of the electorate. We
allow far too many seats to be uncontested each election. Every incumbent
should be challenged to make him or her reconnect with constituents and to be accountable
for his or her record. Dozens of legislators are given a free pass every cycle,
giving them no one to answer to and no forum to debate their votes. This one is
tough since running for office – especially the General Assembly – is not a
career ambition for most of us, but truly a public service. If you are inclined
to run – please throw your hat in the ring and give your community the benefit
of having a choice on election day and the ability to question your legislator
beforehand. Fewer legislators are likely to take a bad vote or just follow the
leader if they think it will cost them at election time.
So how do we score the 38 Studios debacle? I think it’s an E
for everyone. The General Assembly will only be better if we hold them
accountable for their actions and that’s the responsibility of every voter.
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